Meeting minutes for Consolidated Student Senate University of Nevada, Las Vegas, October 09, 1995

STUDENT SENATE MEETING 25-32 Monday, October 9,1995 Moyer Student Union Room 201 6:00 p.m. I. CALL TO ORDER II. ROLL CALL III. APPROVAL OF MINUTES 25-25. IV. ANNOUNCEMENTS V. BOARD AND COMMITTEE REPORTS A. SENATE COMMITTEE REPORTS B. DIRECTOR REPORTS a. Nevada Student Affairs, DIRECTOR TURNER; b. Elections Board, DIRECTOR ARAIZA; c. Student Services, DIRECTOR GREENHALGH; d. Organizations Board, DIRECTOR COLE; e. Office of Student Information, DIRECTOR HAGEN; f. Entertainment and Programming, DIRECTOR SALIBA; C. FACULTY SENATE REPORTS D. BUSINESS MANAGER REPORT VI. PUBLIC COMMENT [in accordance with N.RS. 241.020 (2)(c)(3)] VII. UNFINISHED BUSINESS A. Discussion/approval of funds not to exceed $500.00 for performance of Magic Alex at Nov. 11 tailgate at Sam Boyd from 4:45 to 6:45 p.m., to be encumbered out of the 2702 (Gen) account for an E&P event, as submitted by SENATOR MOORE (tabled at 25-30)-(action item); B. Discussion/approval of fluids not to exceed $ 1,600.00 for performance of Urban Dread for two dates in the Alumni Amphitheater, November 3, and the Homecoming tailgate on November 4, to be encumbered out of the 2702 (Gen) account for an E&P event, as submitted by SENATOR MOORE (tabled at 25-30)-(action item); University of Nevada, Las Vegas Student Government Office of the Senate President CONSOLIDATED STUDENTS • UNIVERSITY OF NEVADA 4505 SOUTH MARYLAND PARKWAY • LAS VEGAS, NEVADA 89154-2009 • (702) 895-3477 • FAX (702) 8 9 5 4 6 0 6 C. Approval of nomination of Phoebe Block to the open Senate seat for the College of Student Development (action item); D. Discussion/approval of Revisions to the CSUN Constitution, as submitted by SENATOR CAMPBELL (tabled at 25-31)-(action item); VIII. NEW BUSINESS A. Discussion/approval of $300.00 funding request for Rebel Christian Fellowship ice cream social, to be encumbered out of the 2702 (Gen) account for Organizations Board (action item); B. Discussion/approval of Senate Bill 25-06, as submitted by SENATOR FLEISCHMAN, (action item); C. Discussion/approval of Senate Bill 25-08, as submitted by SENATOR MCLAIN, (action item); D. Discussion/approval of Senate Bill 25-10, as submitted by SENATOR MCLAIN, (action item); E. Discussion/approval to expend an amount not to exceed $2,600.00 to sponsor two workshops on White Privilege to be held in March, 1996, to be encumbered out of the 2702 (Gen) account, as submitted by SENATOR MOORE, (action item); IX. OPEN DISCUSSION X. ADJOURNMENT Posted in accordance with Nevada Open Meeting Law (N.R.S. 241.000) at the following locations: Moyer Student Union, Frank and Estella Bean Hall, Flora Dungan Humanities, Wright Hall and Thomas Beam Engineering Complex. University of Nevada, Las Vegas Student Government Office of the Senate President STUDENT SENATE MEETING 25-32 Monday, October 9, 1995 Moycr Student Union Room 201 6:00 p.m. III. IV. V. I o 1 CALL TO ORDER (J? ROLL CALL APPROVAL OF MINUTES 25-25. ANNOUNCEMENTS BOARD AND COMMITTEE REPORTS A. SENATE COMMITTEE REPORTS B. DIRECTOR REPORTS a. Nevada Student Affairs, DIRECTOR TURNER; b. Elections Board, DIRECTOR ARAIZA; c. Student Services, DIRECTOR GREENHALGH; d. Organizations Board, DIRECTOR COLE; e. Office of Student Information, DIRECTOR HAGEN; f. Entertainment and Programming, DIRECTOR SALIBA; C. FACULTY SENATE REPORTS D. BUSINESS MANAGER REPORT VI. PUBLIC COMMENT fin accordance with N.R.S. 241.020 (2)(c)(3)] VII. UNFINISHED BUSINESS A. Discussion/approval of funds not to exceed $500.00 for performance of Magic Alex at Nov. 11 tailgate at Sam Boyd from 4:45 to 6:45 p.m., to be encumbered out of the 2702 (Gen) account for an E&P event, as submitted by SENATOR MOORE (tabled at 25-30)-(action item); cXtt"Of c r T c W B. Discussion/approval of funds not to exceed $1,600.00 for performance of Urban Dread for two dales in (lie Alumni Amphitheater, November 3, and the Homecoming tailgate on November 4, to be encumbered out of the 2702 (Gen) account for an E&P event, as submitted by SENATOR MOORE (tabled at 25-30)-(action item);ipo>66edl CONSOLIDATED STUDENTS • UNIVERSITY OF NEVADA 4505 SOUTH MARYLAND PARKWAY • LAS VEGAS, NEVADA 89154-2009 • (702) 895-3477 • FAX (702) 895-4606 C. Approval of nomination of Phoebe Block to the open Senate seat for the College of Student Development (action item); D. Discussion/approval of Revisions to the CSUN Constitution, as submitted by SENATOR CAMPBELL (tabled at 25-3 l)-(action item); VIII. NEW BUSINESS A. Discussion/approval of $300.00 funding request for Rebel Christian Fellowship ice cream social, to be encumbered out of the 2702 (Gen) account for Organizations Board (action item); B. Discussion/approval of Senate Bill 25-06, as submitted by SENATOR FLEISCHMAN, (action item); C. Discussion/approval of Senate Bill 25-08, as submitted by SENATOR MCLAIN, (action item); D. Discussion/approval of Senate Bill 25-10, as submitted by SENATOR MCLAIN, (action item); E. Discussion/approval to expend an amount not to exceed $2,600.00 to sponsor two workshops on White Privilege to be held in March, 1996, to be encumbered out of the 2702 (Gen) account, as submitted by SENATOR MOORE, (action item); IX. OPEN DISCUSSION X. ADJOURNMENT Posted in accordance with Nevada Open Meeting Law (N.R.S. 241.000) at the following locations: Moyer Student Union, Frank and Estella Bean Hall, Flora Dungan Humanities, Wright Hall and Thomas Beam Engineering Complex. Senate Bill No. 06 of the 25th Session Introduced By: Senator Keith W. McLain Summary: This bill will make revisions to bylaw 34: Patriot Law We, the Consolidated Students of the University of Nevada, represented in the CSUN Senate, do enact as follows: I. PURPOSE Procedure for removal, transfer, or discontinuation of CSUN entities [functions], H. PROCEDURE In order to remove or discontinue a CSUN [Student Government function] entity, directorship, or program; the following procedures are required: A. A two-thirds (2/3 's) vote of the CSUN [Student Government]Executive Board. B. A proposal must be drafted by the CSUN Executive Board and introduced to the CSUN Senate. The proposal shall be discussed at a regular CSUN Senate meeting and then tabled. C. The proposal shall be reintroduced at the next regular CSUN Senate meeting, and requires a two-thirds (2/3's) vote in favor of removal, transfer, or discontinuation of a CSUN entity [function] as stated in Article III of this bylaw. HI. THE FOLLOWING CONSTITUTE AS CSUN ENTITIES [FUNCTIONS]: A. [Appropriations Board] B. CSUN Education Policies Committee C. Elections Board D. Entertainment and Programming E. Nevada Student Affairs F. Office of Student Information G. Organizations Board H. [Publications Board] I. KUNV Radio Board J. Senate Ad Hoc Constitutional Revision Committee K. Senate Bylaws Committee L. Senate Rules and Ethics Committee M. Senate Ways and Means Committee N. Student Health Liaison [Advisory Board] O. Student Services P. Student Campus Safety and Awareness Committee Q. Any and all standing committees and boards organized by the CSUN Executive Board and confirmed by the CSUN Senate. ( Senate Bill No. 08 of the 25th Session Introduced By: Senator Keith W. McLain Summary: This bill will make revisions to Bylaw 31-Senate Rules Committee We, the consolidated Students of the University of Nevada, represented in the CSUN Senate, do enact as follows: SENATE RULES A N D ETHICS COMMITTEE I. MEMBERSHIP A. The Senate Rules and Ethics Committee shall be composed of six (6) Senators serving in the current session of the CSUN Senate. B. Five (5) of the members will be designated as voting members and one (1) will be designated as the chair[man] of the committee. C. Quorum will consist of at least four (4) committee members: three (3) voting members along with the chair. D. Members of the committee shall be appointed by the Senate President by [at] the third [first] official meeting of the new Senate session. E. Upon the creation of a vacancy in the committee, the Senate President shall appoint a Senator to fill that vacancy at the Senate meeting immediately following the creation of the vacancy. F. If a charge is levied against a member of the committee he/she shall be prohibited from participating as a member of the committee during that particular investigation. This member is therefore [also] prohibited from voting in such a circumstance. G. If, for any reason, a member is unable to participate in a particular case, then the Senate President shall reserve the right to appoint an alternate for the duration of the case. II. CHAIR[MAN] A. The chair[man] shall preside over all committee meetings. B. The chairfman] shall assign excused/unexcused absences to members of the committee. D. The chair[man] shall notify a Senator who is being investigated by the committee in so [order] that the Senator may appear on his/her own behalf at the meeting [when the] action is being taken. E. The committee shall nominate and approve a voting member of the committee to serve as the vice-chair [man], F. The vice-chair[man] will preside over the committee only in the case of the absence of the chair[man]. When acting as the chair[man], the vice-chair[ man] is granted all the rights and privileges bestowed upon the chair[man], G. The vice-chair[man] forfeits his/her voting privileges when acting as the chair[man] of the committee. i III. DUTIES A N D RESPONSIBILITIES A. The committee shall submit, for Senate approval, a set of rules that Senators will be required to follow for the current session of the Senate. These rules must be submitted on either the first or the second meeting of the committee. B. These rules become official upon being approved by the Senate. C. The committee will be responsible for ensuring that all Senators are complying with all rules that are approved in the above manner. D. Members of the committee must report violations of the established rules to the committee at the next scheduled meeting after the infraction is discovered. E. Any CSUN member may report an infraction to the committee for purposes of investigation by the committee. F. A report by the committee may [must] be given at each Senate meeting. G. When discovered, the committee chair must make a motion at the next official Senate meeting, to levy charges of impeachment. Senate Bill No. 10 of the 25th Session Introduced By: Senator Keith W. McLain Summary: This bill will make revisions to Senate Bylaw 27: All Stipend Positions are to Speak in Front of Classes. We, the Consolidated Students of the University of Nevada, represented in the CSUN Senate, do enact as follows: I. All stipend positions are required to make at least two (2) class appearances each semester. A. These appearances may [shall] be scheduled [by the Senate] by the Senate President or his/her designate. B. The class appearance shall be to inform students of CSUN activities, programs and functions. C. The Senate President or his/her designee may [shall] schedule the appearances for each stipend position during the first month of classes of each of the Fall and Spring semesters. D. An absence of a stipend position holder from a scheduled appearance will constitute grounds for a stipend reduction, unless otherwise designated by the Senate President. II. All stipend positions are required to attend all Senate meetings. All non-legislative stipend positions are required to attend Executive Board meetings. Requirements are further defined in CSUNRS 205.00 through 205.12. To: Terry Moore, Student Senate President Pro Tempore From: Ellen Cronan Rose, Director, Women's Studies Program Date: August 25, 1995 Subject: Proposal for Two Workshops on White Privilege 13,231 or 69.8% of UNLV's 20,239 students enjoy white privilege.1 In keeping with the university's commitment "to improve the general human condition through policies and practices designed to promote . . . freedom from ignorance, prejudice, and intolerance,"2 the Women's Studies Program proposes that we bring to campus this spring a male/female team of facilitators from Cultural Bridges to conduct two consecutive day-long workshops on white privilege for faculty, student services staff, and student leaders. Cultural Bridges is a Pennsylvania-based organization that offers cultural diversity programs to university, community, and social change groups or agencies. Their workshops on white privilege have the following objectives: * to foster a common language and perspective regarding racism and white privilege • • * to define, identify, and acknowledge personal experience of white privilege * to deepen awareness of the ways racism, internalized racism, and white privilege affect individuals, institutions, and society * to share and strategize personal, institutional, and community-wide anti-racist actions * to support and encourage the lifelong commitment to anti-racism The goal of this proposal is to train a cadre of anti-oppression white educators-faculty, professional staff, and student leaders/peer educators-who will, in turn, conduct workshops, lead discussions, and work with white students to help them acknowledge their white privilege and commit themselves to combatting racism. The proposal is endorsed and financially supported by the Office of Multicultural Student Affairs because it w i l l foster a campus climate that will be considerably warmer than it now is for students, faculty, and staff of color. ' This was the situation in fall 1994, according to the Office of Institutional Analysis and Planning, which has not yet calculated the ethnic distribution of the 1995 student population. For information on what white privilege is, see "White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack," attached to this proposal. 2 Academic Mission Statement, 1994-96, University of Nevada, Las Vegas. The cost for these workshops breaks down as follows: * Roundtrip airfare from Allentown, PA, for 2 facilitators @$438 each * Hotel rooms, 2 nights ® $50 each * Meals, $42 each (2 breakfast, lunch, dinner).<3 * Fee, $1000 per facilitator per workshop The facilitators say the optimum attendance at one of these workshops is 40. Therefore, over the two days, 80 persons will have an opportunity to attend. We propose that units on campus who want to co-sponsor the workshops "buy shares" in them and determine who will attend according to the proportion of their investment in the project. At this point, we have commitments from the following campus units: Multicultural Student Affairs $1000, 19%, 15 workshop slots Campus Community Development 650, 12%, 10 workshop slots Women's Studies 1000, 19%, 15 workshop slots We request a $2600 commitment from CSUN (50%, 40 workshop slots). White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack by Peggy Mcintosh Through work to bring materials from Women's Studies into the rest of the curriculum, I have often noticed men's unwillingness to grant that they are over-privileged, even though they may grant that women arc disadvantaged. They may say they will work to improve women's status, in the society, the university, or the curriculum, but they can't or won't support the idea of lessening men's. Denials which amount to taboos surround the subject of advantages which men gain from women's disadvantages: These denials protect male privilege from being fully acknowledged, lessened or ended. • • Thinking through unacknowledged male privilege as a phenomenon, I realized that since hierarchies in our society are interlocking, there was most likely a phenomenon of white privilege which was similarly denied and pro-tected. As a white person, I realized I had been taught about racism as some-thing which puts others at a disadvan-tage, but had been taught not to see one of its corollary aspects, white privilege, which puts me at an advantage. I think whites are carefully taught not to recognize white privilege, as males are taught not to recognize male Peggy Mcintosh is Associate Director of the V/e lies ley College Center for Research on Women. This essay is ex-cerpted from her working paper, "White Privilege and Male Privilege: A Persona! Account of Coming to See Correspondences Through Work in Women's Studies, " copyright © 1988 by Peggy Mcintosh. Available for 54.00 from address below. The paper includes a longer list of privileges. Per-mission to excerpt or reprint must be obtained from Peggy Mcintosh, Welles-ley College Center for Research on Women, Wellesley, MA 02181; (617) 283-2520; FAX (617) 283-2504 privilege. So I have begun in an un-tutored way to ask what it is like to have white privilege. I have come to see white privilege as an invisible package of unearned assets which I can count on cashing in each day, but about which 1 was 'meant' to remain oblivi-ous. White privilege is like an invisi-ble weighdess knapsack of special pro-visions, maps, passports, codebooks, visas, clothes, tools and blank checks. Describing white privilege makes one newly accountable. As we in Women's Studies work to reveal male privilege and ask men to give up some of their power, so one who writes about having white privilege must ask, "Having described it, what will I do to lessen or end it?" After 1 realized the extent to which men work from a base of unacknowl-edged privilege, I understood that much of their oppressiveness was un-conscious. Then I remembered the fre-quent charges from women of color that white women whom they en-counter are oppressive. I began to understand why we are justly seen as oppressive, even when we don't see ourselves that way. I began to count the ways in which I enjoy unearned skin privilege and have been condition-ed into oblivion about its existence. My schooling gave me no training in seeing myself as an oppressor, as an unfairly advantaged person, -or as a participant in a damaged culture. 1 was taught to sec myself as an individual whose moral state depended on her in-dividual moral will. My schooling followed the pattern my colleague Elizabeth Minnich has pointed out: whites are taught to think of their lives as morally neutral, normative, and average, and also ideal, so that when we work to benefit others, this is seen as work which will allow "them" to be more like "us." I decided to try to work on myself at least by identifying some of the daily I was taught to see racism oniy in individual acts of meanness, not in invisible systems conferring dominance on my group. effects of white privilege in my life. I have chosen those conditions which I think in my case attach somewhat more to skin-color privilege than to class, religion, ethnic status, or geographical location, though of course all these other factors are in-tricately intertwined. As far as I can sec, my African American co-workers, friends and acquaintances with whom I come into daily or frequent contact in this particular time, place, and line of work cannot count on most of these conditions. 1. I can if I wish arrange to be in the company of people of my race most of the time. 2. If 1 should need to move, I can be pretty sure of renting or purchasing housing in an area which I can afford and in which I would want to live. 3. I can be pretty sure thai my neigh-bors in such a location will be neutral or pleasant to me. 4. I can go shopping alone most of the time, pretty well assured that I will not be followed or harassed. 5. I can turn on the television or open to the front page of the paper and see people of my race widely represented. 6. When I am told about our national heritage or about "civilization," I am shown that people of my color made it what it is. 7. I can be sure that my children will be given curricular materials that testi-fy to the existence of their race. 10 Pwoc* and fraaiiam • Jtriy/August 1989 8. If I want to, I can be pretty sure of finding a publisher for this piece on white privilege. 9. I can go into a music shop and count on finding the music of my race repre-sented, into a supermarket and find the staple foods which fit with my cultural traditions, into a hairdresser's shop and find someone who can cut my hair. 10. Whether I use checks, credit cards, or cash, I can count on my skin color not to work against the appearance of financial reliability. 11. I can arrange to protect my chil-dren most of the time from people who might not like them. 12. I can swear, or dress in second hand clothes, or not answer letters, without having people attribute these choices to the bad morals, the pover-ty, or the illiteracy of my race. 13.1 can speak in public to a power-ful male group without putting my race on trial. 14. I can do well in a challenging situa-tion without being called a credit to my race. 15. I am never asked to speak for all the people of my racial group. 16. I can remain oblivious of the language and customs of persons of color who constitute the world's ma-jority without feeling in my culture any penalty for such oblivion. 17. I can criticize our government and talk about how much I fear its policies and behavior without being seen as a cultural outsider. 18.1 can be pretty sure that if I ask to talk to "the person in charge," I will be facing a person of my race. 19. If a traffic cop pulls me over or if the IRS audits my tax return, I can be sure I haven't been singled out because of my race. 20. I can easily buy posters, postcards, picture books, greeting cards, dolls, toys, and children's magazines featur-ing people of my race. 21. I can go home from most meetings of organizations I belong to feeling somewhat tied in, rather than isolated, out-of-place, outnumbered, unheard, held at a distance, or feared. 22.1 can take a job with an affirmative action employer without having co-workers on the job suspect that I got it because of race. 23. I can choose public accommoda-tion without fearing that people of my race cannot get in or will be mistreated in the places I have chosen. 24. I can be sure that if I need legal or medical help, my race will not work against me. 25. If my day, week, or year is going badly, I need not ask of each negative episode or situation whether it has racial overtones. 26. I can choose blemish cover or ban-dages in "flesh" color and have them more or less match my skin. I repeatedly forgot each of the real-izations on this list until I wrote it down. For me white privilege has turned out to be an elusive and fugitive subject. The pressure to avoid it is great, for in facing it I must give up the myth of meritocracy. If these things are true, this is not such a free country; one's life is not what one makes it; many doors open for certain people through no virtues of their own. In unpacking this invisible knapsack of white privilege, I have listed condi-tions of daily experience which I once took for granted. Nor did I think of any of these perquisites as bad for the holder. I now think that we need a more finely differentiated taxonomy of privilege, for some of these varieties are only what one would want for everyone in a just society, and others give licence to be ignorant, oblivious, arrogant and destructive. I see a pattern running through the matrix of white privilege, a pattern of assumptions which were passed on to me as a white person. There was one main piece of cultural turf; it was my own turf, and I was among those who could control the turf. My skin color was an asset for any move I was edu-cated to want to make. I could think of myself as belonging in major ways, and of making social systems work for me. I could freely disparage, fear, neglect, or be oblivious to anything outside of the dominant cultural forms. Being of the main culture, I could also criticize it fairly freely. In proportion as my racial group was being made confident, comfort-able, and oblivious, other groups were likely being made inconfident, uncom-fortable, and alienated. Whiteness pro-tected me from many kinds of hostili-ty, distress, and violence, which I was being subtly trained to visit in turn upon people of color. For this reason, the word "privi-lege" now seems to me misleading. We usually think of privilege as being a favored state, whether earned or con-ferred by birth or luck. Yet some of the conditions I have described here work to systematically overempower certain groups. Such privilege simply confers dominance because of one's race or sex. I want, then, to distinguish between earned strength and unearned power conferred systemically. Power from unearned privilege can look like strength when it is in fact permission to escape or to dominate. But not all of the privileges on my list are in-evitably damaging. Some, like the ex-pectation that neighbors will be decent to you, or that your race will not count against you in court, should be the norm in a just society. Others, like the privilege to ignore less powerful peo-ple, distort the humanity of the holders as well as the ignored groups. We might at least start by dis-tinguishing between positive advan-tages which we can work to spread, and negative types of advantages which unless rejected will always rein-force our present hierarchies. For ex-ample, the feeling that one belongs within the human circle, as Native Americans say, should not be seen as privilege for a few. Ideally it is an unearned entitlement. At present, since only a few have it, it is an unearned advantage for them. This paper results from a process of coming to sec that some of the power which I originally saw as attendant on being a human be-ing in the U.S. consisted in unearned continued next page Pvac* and Fm^lom • Ju^/Augirrf 1989 11 White Privilege, continued from p. 11 advantage and conferred dominance. I have met very few men who are truly distressed about systemic, unearned male advantage and con-ferred dominance. .And so one ques-tion for me and others like me is whether we will be like them, or whether we will get truly distressed, even outraged, about unearned race advantage and conferred dominance and if so, what we will do to lessen them. In any case, we need to do more work in identifying how they actually affect our daily lives. Many, perhaps most, of our white students in the U.S. think that racism doesn't affect them because they are not people of color; they do not see "whiteness" as a racial identity. In addition, since race and sex are not the only advantaging systems at work, we need similarly to examine the daily experience of having age ad-vantage, or ethnic advantage, or physi-cal ability, or advantage related to na-tionality, religion, or sexual orientation. Difficulties and dangers surrounding the task of finding parallels are many. Since racism, sexism, and heterosexism are not the same, the advantaging as-sociated with them should not be seen as the same. In addition, it is hard to disentangle aspects of unearned advan-tage which rest more on social class, economic class, race, religion, sex and ethnic identity than on other factors. Still, all of the oppressions are in-terlocking, as the Combahee River Collective Statement of 1977 continues to remind us eloquently. One factor seems clear about all of the interlocking oppressions. They take both active forms which we can see and embedded forms which as a mem-ber of the dominant group one is taught not to see. In my class and place, I did not see myself as a racist because I was taught to recognize racism only in individual acts of mean-ness by members of my group, never in invisible systems conferring un-sought racial dominance on my group from birth. Disapproving of the systems won't be enough to change them. I was The question is: "Hav-ing described white privilege, what will I do to end it?" taught to think that racism could end if white individuals changed their at-titudes. [But] a "white" skin in the United States opens many doors for whites whether or not we approve of the way dominance has been conferred on us. Individual acts can palliate, but cannot end, these problems. To redesign social systems we need first to acknowledge their colossal un-seen dimensions. The silences and denials surrounding privilege are the key political tool here. They keep the thinking about equality or equity in-complete, protecting unearned advan-tage and conferred dominance by mak-ing these taboo subjects. Most talk by whites about equal opportunity seems to me now to be about equal oppor-tunity to try to get into a position of dominance while denying that systems of dominance exist. It seems' to me that obliviousness about white advantage, like oblivi-ousness about male advantage, is kept strongly inculturated in the United States so as to maintain the myth of meritocracy, the myth that democratic choice is equally available to all. Keep-ing most people unaware that freedom of confident action is there for just a small number of people props up those in power, and serves to keep power in the hands of the same groups that have most of it already. Though systemic change takes many decades, there are pressing questions for me and I imagine for some others like me if we raise our daily con-sciousness on the perquisites of being light-skinned. What will we do with such knowledge? As we know from watching men, it is an open question whether we will choose to use unearned advantage to weaken hidden systems of advantage, and whether we will use any of our arbitrarily-awarded power to try to reconstruct power systems on a broader base. • 12 P»oc* and Frw»ctorn . Juty/'Axtgust 1989